The Choctaw Nation at one time occupied
most of Mississippi and the coastline of the Gulf of Mexico in
Louisiana, Alabama and the panhandle of Florida. They were a nation
of several matriarchal clans. Cushman, who relates a great respect
for the Choctaw, (although I find him a tad bit prejudiced in favor
of those who chose Christianity for my taste), relates that it was
common practice if the Choctaw could afford to do so, to set aside a
certain number of livestock at the birth of a child. These were never
sold, and became the property of the child when he or she reached
adulthood and married. The Choctaw were also, by all accounts I have
read, very successful farmers, with corn being prominent amongst
their crops. I have read that they often sold their excess produce to
white settlers, and their mastery of agriculture was far past those
of their white counterparts. While "fear" of being attacked
in their sleep seems prevalent as one of the reasons the whites in
Mississippi wanted the Choctaw removed from their homes, I wonder how
much of it as not also jealousy of not only the volume of land the
Choctaw possessed, but their ability to do a better job farming it.
Anthropologist and early Native
American historians suggest the Choctaw tribe became so around 1700,
and were a conglomeration of many smaller tribes who came together as
one tribe when the Europeans arrived. This merging of cultures
produced the two Moieties, the western and eastern. Although
traditionally women did remain within their own village, basket and
pottery patterns show that in fact at least some women did move to
their husband’s village, and the evolution of the Choctaw
traditions and language evolved. The Civil Wars of the earliest
Choctaw histories result often from these tribal differences, and
were often prodded by the French, Spanish and British, who had
factions of loyalty within the different districts.
The earliest intermarriages between the
Choctaw and their European neighbors aren’t recorded, yet we know
that Moshulatubee had one mixed blood wife who was said to be only ¼
Choctaw, given her age, it is evident that marriages did exist far
earlier than the mixed blood progeny so clearly documented. The
documented connections between the mixed blood progeny and some of
the Chiefs show a pattern. European men who married and lived among
the Choctaw married the female relatives (sisters and nieces) of the
Mingos and various headmen within the villages. While some leadership
positions were considered hereditary, the accomplishments and fitness
to perform the role was always considered first. First and foremost
was always their ability as a warrior. When looking at succession as
inherited, I suspect, the eldest nephew was always considered first.
We see several leadership positions among the Choctaw, each with a
particular role, and title. These were Hopaii Imataha (also seen as
Payomingo), the war prophet, Hatak Anumpli, the Chiefs speaker,
Hatak Holitopa, beloved man, Tisho Mingo, assistant war chief (often
village chiefs), Ishatahullos, holy men, and Shulustamasabe, Red
Shoes who were War leaders.
The status categories among the Choctaw
can be divided into these levels, the top was the Mingos and War
chiefs, next were the beloved men, followed by the warriors, and last
men who had not killed an enemy. Once an individual held the title,
he was also called by that title, which is difficult in tracing
family ties. There are several cases in the Armstrong rolls, and
later, in which an individual was recorded by their title. The roles
or positions were considered to be among the highest within the
village and districts, and all were considered leaders. A class
system did clearly exist, it is evident from testimonies, that the
families associated with these leaders intermarried, and produced an
elite level. All of the documented mixed bloods (whose Choctaw
mother’s family is known), prior to 1832 come from this elite
level, but their full blood kin also continued this practice. Perhaps
some of the clearest evidence of these connections is found in1875
testimonies in Blue County. An individual born to the elite class was
more likely to attain power and leadership roles, but they still had
to prove their worth. White men who married into the nation married
into this elite class.
It was against their belief to marry
within their own clan, and the children of the clan were more under
the control of their matriarchal uncle than their father. The
succession of leadership was not always hereditary, although often
the nephew (son of the sister) of the preceding Chief did assume
leadership. I have not found a complete listing of all the Clans, but
the districts were: Okla Hannalli (people of Six towns), Okla Tannap
(people from the other side), and Oklafayala (People who are widely
dispersed). Within the nation were two distinct Moieties, Imoklashas,
the elder and Inhulalatas1,
the younger. Each moiety had several clans, known as Iskas, It is
estimated there were about 12 Iska’s altogether. It is speculated
that it wasn’t marrying within your own Moiety that was considered
taboo, but rather within your own Iska. Each village consisted of at
least two groups, and ceremonies were separated by the clan and
status level. The burial of an individual within one Iska was
performed by the other. Children belonged to the Iska of their
mother. Identity was established first by Moiety and Iska, so a
Choctaw identified himself first as Imoklasha or Inhulata and second
as Choctaw.
It is important when doing any kind of
genealogical research to consider the clan system, although, after
the exposure to the white man, several families of mixed bloods did
marry their cousins, often tracing lineage will require careful
consideration of where the family lived, and the time frame. Prior to
1830, marriage of two individuals within their own Iska among the
Choctaw was rare, if it happened at all. I have found several
instances of the same name used across multiple generations, and
often several times within a generation, so it is useful to remember
that even after removal, the Choctaw settled into areas closely
related to the clans they originated from in Mississippi, even though
they may have lived in a separate district than the one they came
from. Children of white men tend to be known only by their European
names, and the existence of a Choctaw name is not generally
documented. After the missionaries arrived, the advent of European
names to full blood is evident.
From what I have read over the years,
the matriarchal society is common within most of the American Indian
nations, and perhaps the white man may wonder why. For me, I find the
explanation partly in something my philosophy teacher tried to teach
my class over 15 years ago. (Keep in mind, this was before DNA
testing.) He used a common statement, made for eons that you always
know who your mother is, but you never truly know who your father is.
While philosophy is not my intent of these pages, I believe that
because women were the givers of life, and with the belief system
that most of the American Indian cultures had in regards to a
masculine and feminine creator, the matriarchal system makes sense.
While duties and roles were clearly defined, women had councils and
were as influential as their male counterparts in the American Indian
society. When a man married, he ended his affiliation with his birth
clan, and became part of his wife's clan. That is a profound
difference from that of white society in the late 18th and 19th
centuries.
After removal, and the advent of the
missionaries, we see a shift of the government of the tribe to a
patriarchal society, however, if you read testimonies of the Choctaw
even as late as the Dawes Rolls, you will see that the maternal link
still exists. For example, a Choctaw man with an illegitimate son
whose mother was a white woman legally adopted his son after she
died. Among the Choctaw even in the 1880’s the adoption was
necessary so that his son could be recognized as a Choctaw. His
testimony in 1904 stated that children were affiliated by the tribe
of their mother. The 1899 census cards show the matrilineal
connection as well, orphaned children are often with their mother’s
family, sometimes even distant cousins, and rarely with their
father’s family. It is perhaps for this reason we have one family
with what is termed freedman connections with an individual on the
Freedman roll, and his children on the Choctaw Rolls. Jack Riddle’s
mother was a former slave, his father was Choctaw, he is on the
Freedman roll, but his children, whose mother was a full blood
Choctaw, are on the Dawes as Choctaw. Many of the Choctaw Freedman
indeed are Choctaw, but they are the offspring of a Choctaw Man and
his slave, thus they aren’t Choctaw, and even those with a Choctaw
mother were not looked upon favorably among the Choctaw. Racial
prejudice did exist.
The Choctaw had multiple wives, and the
practice was not outlawed until the late 1830's. I haven't seen any
documentation to verify the fact, but marrying sisters, or close
female relatives seems to have been common. Chief Pushmataha
explained the fact that he had 2 wives when asked by replying that
there were more women than there were men, and that it was unfair for
a woman to go without a man just to keep to having one wife.
Personally, I find this answer a little humorous. In 1838, Robert
Cole’s testimony gave some insights into family relationships. His
half brother was in fact his cousin, son of his mother’s sister.
His son could also be his nephew, son of his sister. A son in law
would be a man married to either his niece or his daughter. One other
term, found in testimonies, is “kind of brother”, and it isn’t
clear, what it means, I suspect, it may in fact mean children of the
same father, but of a different mother’s (probably not siblings),
or perhaps children of their maternal Uncle.
The Choctaw didn't keep track of ages,
and the white man's preoccupation with it must have been hard to
fathom. I read an account that stated since at the time, their was no
written language, when the rolls of 1831 were done, marks were made
on sticks to represent each household, and they had a system of
making additional marks, and tying on smaller sticks to represent
older male children, and younger children, and that these were done
with great care. When all the sticks were done, they were taken to be
counted. Apparently, when some tried this with Col. William Ward to
attempt to stay in Mississippi under Article 14, of the Treaty of
Dancing Rabbit Creek, it was less successful. Many of the claimants
under article 14, were never written down by Ward, and thus we have
the Net Proceeds case which took decades to settle. Testimonies from
three distinct time frames can illuminate the claimants, and their
families. It is perhaps most difficult for a researcher to trace the
Mississippi Choctaw, who while never leaving Mississippi, are not
found on any census, while their brethren in the new nation are at
least documented in 1856, 1885, and 1896. Testimony was taken in
1838, 1844 and 1875 from claimants and their heirs. A two volume
book, found in Washington, D.C, and in the Oklahoma Historical
society has transcriptions of these testimonies. Also, there are land
testimonies, a separate entity that also discusses some of the
earliest family records that existed within Mississippi. Often these
testimonies are overlooked by genealogists and historian’s alike,
and erroneous connections have been made and published that
contradict these testimonies. Often the source is an oral tradition
40 or more years removed from those that testified.
Another common fallacy is that each
native name is unique. Names were phonetically spelled, especially in
the earliest documents, and thus are spelled a variety of ways. Also,
words in the Choctaw language at times can be very close in sound, so
we don’t know for sure any name is the absolutely correct one, and
census documents of 1856 in the Choctaw Nation and on the Armstrong
Rolls will show individuals with identical or very similar names.
Names were not unique, we don’t suspect two people named Jane or
John are the same because they have the same name, and researching
the Choctaw, or any native tribe requires the same principal.
Historians tend to emphasize the
breakdown of the hereditary leadership after the treaty of Dancing
Rabbit Creek of 1832 however, research of the genealogy of the
families yields enlightening information. The class system, and
preferential treatment for leadership roles has not disappeared, it
is in fact still evident as late as 1900. What has changed by the mid
1850’s is a political system of two parties, one made primarily of
full bloods, the other of mixed, and the elected terms of leadership.
The prerequisite of education also tends to add weight to the merit
of the elected Chiefs, yet Coleman Cole, who was chief during the
settlement of the Net Proceeds case could neither read nor speak
English.
A look at the Choctaw politics from
1805-1832 brings to mind three chiefs, often called the last
hereditary chiefs of the Choctaw. Although the matrilineal system was
slowly eroded away to a political machine, the Choctaws who were
prominent tended to come from mixed blood families, many of whom we
know had ties to those last three. The following is a look at the
districts. From 1800-1900, we have a total of 45 Chiefs, from the
separate districts, and from when the nation combined to one
individual acting as principle chief of the whole nation. After 1834,
terms for the Chiefs were generally 4 year terms, as the Choctaw had
created their own system of government modeled after the United
States. Of these 45 Chiefs, only 13, were full bloods, and we have 7
linked directly to Chief Pushmataha, and his nephews, 10 who descend
from the same lines as Moshulatubee, and 10 who descend from Shumaka,
and are presumed to share a lineage with Apuckshunnubbee. Of the
remaining 18, 6 are full bloods, and the 12 mixed bloods have a dead
end, where we can’t trace the female relative to its end. A
historian of Choctaw history will be aware that in the period before
1832, especially before 1800, the white men who married into the
nation married the female relatives of the local and district Mingos
and leading men. Testimonies from the court of claims cases show the
full blood and mixed blood kinfolk knew their lineages and relatives,
but in the pursuing years, most families have lost that history.
Each town had its own Mingo under a
matrilineal system, and each district had what the United States
referred to as a Principal or District Chief. Prior to 1805, the
chiefs were distinguished by the French, English, and American’s
and Spanish by medals, given to the Mingos the government parlayed
with. A Great Medal Chief was the equivalent of the District Chief.
In 1786, the towns which the Mingos come from is mentioned, but
historical records show that many of these men were not usually
representatives in this sort of parlay, but had been sent there by
Franchimastubbee while he attended a treaty with the Spanish. Among
the attendee’s of 1786 were, Yockenahoma Great medal chief of
Soonacha, Yoke Hoopie, Mingo of Boktuklo, Mingo Hoopie of Hashooqua,
Tobaca, great medal Chief of Congeto (Oklafayala district),
Pushmastubbe of Senyazo (Gorget Captian, not a Mingo), and 13 small
medal Mingos with 12 other Captains. It is suspected, as he mentions
meeting George Washington, that Pushmataha was among the Captains.
In 1801 a treaty is signed by Tuskona
Hopaii, (lower towns) Toota Humma, Homo Mastubby,(six towns) Oak
Chume, (upper towns) Poos Coos, (lived near Chickasawhay 2
he signs a treaty in 1803 giving land to the U. S. near this river)
and several of their captains.
In the treaty of 1802 we see a clearer
picture of the system by which the districts were represented.
Signing for the lower towns and Chickasawhay are Mingo Tuska Hopaii,
Pushmataha, and Mingo Poos Coos 1st and 2nd,
signing for Six Towns was Tuskahoma, Homomastubby, Latalahomma, and
Mooklahoosoopoieh. The Upper towns were represented by Oak Chume,
and TuskeMaiby.
It isn’t until 1805 we see the three
best known Chiefs for the districts, Oklafayala (western) is
Apuckshunnubbee, Oklahannali (Six Towns) is Pushmataha, and Okla
Tannap (Eastern) is Homo Mastubby, father of Moshulatubee. It is also
evident, that Mingo Poos Coos, who had represented that district, is
no longer Chief, having likely died.
Okla
Hannalli
Okla Hannalli, seen commonly to refer
only as to the Six Towns, was geographically the lower district of
the Choctaw Nation. Among the towns in the district were Koosa or
Kunsha and Chunkee. Its present day counties include Jasper, Newton,
Lauderdale in Mississippi and part of Washington County in Alabama.
The best known mixed blood families from this area were the Garland
and Juzan families.
Thus we have known Okla Hannalli Chiefs
from 1801 until the three district system was abolished during the
civil war. Many of the historical accounts of the Choctaw give an
incomplete listing of these chiefs, and virtually none of the
historians have researched the genealogy of the tribe.
Key to colors
Blue-Pushmataha relative
Red-Moshulatubee Relative Purple- Apuckshunnubbee relative
Old Nation, (Mississippi)
1801-1805 TUSKONA HOPIA, MINGO PUSH
COOS (KUNSHA)
1805-1824
PUSHMATAHA
DEC 1824-JUNE
1825 OKA LAH HOMMA, nephew of Pushmataha3
JUNE 1825 TO
SEPTEMBER 1828 TAPPENAHOMA, Another nephew of Pushmataha
SEPT 1828 TO 1834
JOHN GARLAND Nephew of Pushmataha
NITAKECHI **
Presumed Nephew, may be from male sibling
**1829 through 1832 was a time of
turmoil within the nation. The US government was pushing for
emigration as agreed in 1820, and the Choctaw, mostly the full
bloods, were trying to avoid any further treaties that ceded land.
The politics at one point were so volatile that the Choctaws were on
the brink of a Civil war. Nitakechi and his followers refused to
recognize leadership of Garland, so from 1830-1832 it depends on the
viewpoint in some cases on who was actually the Chief. Primarily
among the full bloods, Nitakechi was acknowledged, but among the
mixed bloods, and from the government John Garland was recognized for
part of this time frame. By 1832, it is clear that Nitakechi is Chief
as he places his nephews in charge of emigration of his towns, and
emigrates with them.
New Nation, Pushmataha District
1834-1838
NITAKECHI nephew of Pushmataha
1841-1844
NITAKECHI nephew of Pushmataha unproven
1844-1846 ISAAC
FOLSOM son of Nathaniel Folsom, related to Moshulatubee
1846-1850 SILAS
FISHER5
1850-1854 GEORGE
FOLSOM, brother of Isaac Folsom, related to Moshulatubee
1854-1857 NICHOLAS COCHNAUER, unknown
lineage
Oklafayala
Oklafayala district, the western towns
has a clearer lineage of the Mingo’s for a longer time frame.
Franchimastubbee, with his second in hand Tobaca, are among the most
influential Chiefs from the close of the Choctaw Civil war in the
1750’s until the mid 1790’s. Turner Brashears, and the brother’s
Michael and Louis Leflore, and their large families are from this
district.
Old Nation, Mississippi
1760’S THRU 1795 FRANCHIMASTUBBEE6
Tobaca was his brother in law.
Simon Favre married one daughter in mid
1770’s
1805-1824
APUKSHUNNUBBE son of Peyahuma suspected he is a nephew of
Franchimastubbee, as the hand picked successors, sons of Tobaca
didn’t replace him.
1824-1828 or 1829
ROBERT COLE, again, suspected to be nephew of Apuckshunnubbee, his
mother Shumaka was of Shokihumma descent.7
1828-1832
GREENWOOD LEFLORE, great nephew of Cole, Shumaka descendant
New Nation, Apuckshunnubbee District
1834-1838 THOMAS LEFLORE, son of
Michael Leflore, unknown lineage
1838-1842 JAMES FLETCHER, unknown
lineage
1842-1850 THOMAS LEFLORE
1850-1857 GEORGE
HARKINS, Shumaka descendant
Okla
Tannap
This district
which lied close to the Chickasaw nation and into Sumter and Choctaw
counties of Alabama included the Tombigbee River. Many of the
families within this district have ties to the Chickasaw nation. Many
of the mixed bloods who were prominent among the Choctaw also resided
here, their father’s being, Noah Wall, Benjamin James, an Unknown
Gardner, William Riddle, John Walker, and the three Folsom’s,
Nathaniel, Ebenezer and Edmond.
Chief
Homomastubby, also seen as Mushulatubee, or Moshulatubee the first is
the first clear district Chief. Mingo Poos Coos was from Kunsha which
is in the southern district, and could not be district chief of this
district. Cushman gives an unclear historical account, but we know
that Nathaniel Folsom married two nieces or sisters of either Poos
Coos, or Homomastubbee. I suspect, given the antagonistic
relationship between David Folsom and Moshulatubee, that David Folsom
was not a first cousin of Moshulatubee, but likely of his father. In
1805 Edmond Folsom, David’s older brother was taking part as a
second in command, but then all of a sudden, in 1820, after he agreed
to work for the US to encourage emigration to the new lands, he
disappears from a leadership role. His brother David is active in the
politics by 1824. Interestingly enough, we have several mixed blood
families, from the same town in the old nation, and there are
confirmed relationships to Chief Moshulatubee among some of them. I
suspect, that Nikita, wife of Ebenezer Folsom, and the wife of Edmond
Folsom, (who lives in the same village), were daughters of one of the
local Mingos or headmen.
Old Nation,
Mississippi
? to 1805 unclear
1805-1816
Homomastubby/Moshulatubee I presumed nephew of Poos Coos
1816-1832
Moshulatubee II son of Homomastubbee
1829-1832 DAVID
FOLSOM Nephew of Homomastubbee8
New Nation
1834-1836
MOSHULATUBBEE II
1836-1838 JOSEPH
KINCAID Nephew of Moshulatubee
1838-1842 JOHN
McKINNEY , unknown lineage, wife was a daughter of Daniel McCurtain
1842-1846
NATHANIEL FOLSOM, Nephew of Homomastubby
1846-1850 PETER
FOLSOM, son of Edmond Folsom, unknown lineage
1850-1854
CORNELIUS McCURTAIN, nephew of Robert Cole, Shumaka descendant
1854-1857 DAVID
McCOY, unknown lineage
COMBINED DISTRICTS (1857-1860 were
called Governors)
1857-1858 ALFRED WADE unknown lineage
1858-1859 TANDY
WALKER, great nephew of Moshulatubbee
1859-1860 BRAZIL
LEFLORE, brother to Greenwood, Shumaka descendant
1860-1862 GEORGE HUDSON, mixed blood,
unknown lineage
1862-1864 SAMUEL
GARLAND, son of John Garland
1864-1866 PETER
PITCHLYNN son of John Pitchlynn, great nephew of Moshulatubbee
1866-1870 ALFRED WRIGHT, full blood
1870-1874 WILLIAM BRYANT, lineage
unknown
1874-1878 COLEMAN
COLE, son of Robert Cole, Shumaka descendant
1878-1880 ISAAC GARVIN, Father Henry
Garvin, unknown Choctaw lineage
1880-1884 JACK
McCURTAIN, Shumaka descendant
1884-1886 EDMUND
McCURTAIN, Shumaka descendant
1886-1888 THOMPSON McKINNEY, full blood
1888-1890
BENJAMIN SMALLWOOD, Shumaka descendant
1890-1894 WILSON JONES, son of Nat
Jones, Unknown lineage
1894-1896 JEFFERSON GARDNER9,
Unknown lineage
1896-1900 GREEN
McCURTAIN, Shumaka descendant
1
According to a court of claims testimony of Robert Cole these were
not the two moieties or clans, but instead they were tokinholitta to
which he belonged and cushapoglea the other. Could not marry within
own clan. Children belong to clan of mother. Every person's clan is
known, attend to each other's funerals. Captains and officers are
selected from most suitble. Each clan takes care of their own poor
and infirm. Before Doaks stand if married within an uncle would take
woman away from husband and whip her.
2Recent
found that he was chief of Kunsha (Koosa).
3
I doubt he was ever chief but he does testify in 1844 that he is the
brother of Tappenahoma and the nephew of Pushmataha
4
Pierre is the great nephew of Pushmataha, and was the nephew of Oka
Lah Homma, and Tappenahoma. It is presumed he is also a nephew of
Nitakechi, or a relative by most historians, but there is doubt as
to this relationship.
5
Silas Fisher is presumed to be the son of Joseph Fisher and
Elizabeth Brashears, her mother is supposedly the daughter of
Apuckshunnubbee by most researchers, I tend to believe she was a
relative rather of Franchimastubbee, and also of Apuckshunnubbee.
6R.
Turner Brashears had close ties to him, and it is suspected his wife
was Apuckshunnubbee’s daughter or his niece, one historian
suggests his wife was a daughter of Franchimastubbee. I think most
likely given the time frame his first wife was a relative of
Franchimastubbee.
7A
recent find of a letter of Coleman Cole has me doubting this at this
time
8
The family relationships of Poos Coos and the Folsoms come from
Cushman and as we learn more, it is becoming more clear that there
is room for doubt that David Folsom was a relative.
9
Although I can’t link Jefferson to a line of the three Chiefs, he
is a descendant of Michael Leflore of Oklafayala district, and James
Gardner of the Moshulatubee district in the Old Nation. Given the
time frame, it is likely he descends from some Mingo lines.
No comments:
Post a Comment